Federalist 10: The TL;DR in Gen Z Slang

Federalist 10: The TL;DR in Gen Z Slang

Spend any time in academia, especially in higher ed, and you’ll see that LLMs have taken over. Most students don’t use them as aids. They use them as full replacements, outsourcing the work entirely. It’s rampant. There’s also a growing gap between students who can afford premium models at $200 or more per month and those who can’t.

I’m done fighting it. The pull is too strong. I’m now looking for creative, appropriate ways to incorporate AI into the classroom and study process. (Hint: you’re still taking an in-class final exam.)

AI Tools I am experimenting with for the college classroom

I am a fan of Goolge’s notebookLM.  Upload the presentation, class notes, class readings (after you have done them) and then ask for a podcast summary or quizzes.

I’ve also been using Character.ai, where you can build and interact with custom characters.  I’ve created detailed versions of John Adams, George Washington, and James Madison.  You can type with them, or you can “call” them and have a conversation.  (but we all know no current student is going to make a phone call—ever!)  So far, the conversations have been engaging.  Most interesting, John Adams’ voice sounds exactly like Paul Giamatti.  (EXACTLY!)

Today, I’ve been experimenting with ChatGPT by asking it to translate the Federalist Papers into Gen Z speak. It’s going gloriously.

I present to you: Federalist 10.

Federalist 10: The TL;DR in Gen Z Slang

Yo so here’s the sitch:
Big Jimmy M (aka James Madison) is lowkey stressed about the drama factions bring to the group chat of America. Like, people form cliques over money, power, vibes, and petty beefs – and when one squad gets too extra, it wrecks the whole party (aka democracy).

Why this matters:
Humans gonna human. We’ve got opinions. We’ve got feelings. We’ve got beef. So factions? Inevitable.
Trying to ban factions? That’s like telling people to stop having hot takes. Not gonna happen.
So Jimmy’s like: “We can’t delete drama. But we can make sure it doesn’t cancel the entire system.”

Enter: The ✨lit✨ idea
Direct democracy? Kinda sus. Too chaotic. Imagine if every time there was a poll, the loudest TikTokers decided national policy. Pass.
A republic tho? That’s the move.
Elect some chill, educated reps who filter out the nonsense and make sure no one squad hijacks the group chat.

Bonus points for bigness
Small governments? Too easy for cliques to run wild. Big republic = more vibes, more people, more diff POVs. Harder for one squad to dominate.
Like, if Karen’s HOA ran the country? Nightmare. But scale it up to 13 colonies and a whole continent? Karen’s influence gets nerfed.

Big picture:
The Constitution = faction-proof armor. It doesn’t stop drama, but it keeps it from crashing the whole system. Madison’s just trying to ghost tyranny and leave toxic group dynamics on read.

Final Thoughts

The genie isn’t going back in the bottle. AI is here, and students are using it, for better or worse.   Rather than pretending it doesn’t exist, we should teach students how to use it responsibly and critically. The goal is not to replace thinking but to sharpen it.  Not to replace reading or understanding, but deepen them.

If we (educators) do this right, AI won’t be a crutch.  Yes, they will still need to show up and write the in-class final, which will make clear who used AI to learn and who used it to coast.

Disclaimer:

  • ChatGPT was used to translate Federalist 10 into GenZ speak.
  • Gemini was used to generate blogpost cover image.
The Disapproval Dilemma: Why Unhappy Voters Don’t Always Switch or Hold Politicians Accountable

The Disapproval Dilemma: Why Unhappy Voters Don’t Always Switch or Hold Politicians Accountable

A conversation I recently had with a friend who is exasperated with the current political scene: “Politician X has abysmal approval ratings!  Why don’t they seem to care?  Why aren’t they terrified of the voters?  Why does nothing change when voters clearly disapprove?

It’s a fair question.  In a democracy, shouldn’t widespread disapproval translate directly into electoral consequences, forcing politicians to course-correct or face removal?  The reality, as frustrating as it might be for some, is far more complex and nuanced.  While a politician certainly prefers a higher approval, low numbers don’t automatically signal an impending career change.  The key insight, drawn from decades of voter behavior research, can be summed up like this: Disapproval is Necessary, Not Sufficient for vote switches.

This isn’t a direct quote you’ll find in a single academic paper.   Instead, it’s a distillation of a broader understanding.   It means that while negative feelings towards a party or candidate are usually a prerequisite for a voter to even consider switching their allegiance, those feelings alone often aren’t enough to make them take the leap.

First, What Do We Mean by “Disapproval”?

In the context of political polling and voter behavior, “disapproval” generally refers to a negative assessment of a politician’s job performance, their character, their policies, or the general direction they are leading (e.g., “disapprove of the President’s handling of the economy”). It’s a sentiment, an opinion, an evaluation.

Link: https://news.gallup.com/interactives/507569/presidential-job-approval-center.aspx

Consider historical polling data as an illustration. According to the Roper Center, President Trump’s highest recorded job approval rating during his term was 49% (McLaughlin & Associates, March 2019).
This indicates that for all of his presidencies so far, a significant of those polled expressed disapproval, a situation often described as a president being “upside down” in their ratings.

Another relevant measure, the generic congressional ballot, gauges public preference for which party should control Congress. There have been periods where this indicator has shown one party, such as the Democrats, consistently leading, even if by relatively small margins.

Link: https://www.realclearpolling.com/polls/state-of-the-union/generic-congressional-vote

Such leading indicators might suggest potential challenges for the President or the party perceived negatively. But opinions and sentiments, however strongly held or clearly indicated in polls, don’t always seamlessly convert into the behavior of voting for someone else. Why?

The “Necessary” Part: Opening the Door to Change

It’s intuitive that if you’re perfectly happy with an incumbent or a party, you’re unlikely to vote for their opponent.

Disapproval, therefore, is the necessary starting point. It’s the crack in the voter’s loyalty, the moment of doubt that allows them to consider alternatives. This is where the idea of Retrospective Voting comes in.

The theory of retrospective voting suggests that voters act like judges, evaluating incumbents based on their past performance.   Did the economy improve? Did the country feel safer?  Did the politician fulfill their promises?  If the answers are “no,” disapproval builds, and voters may choose to “punish” the incumbent at the ballot box.  This is accountability in action.

However, even this straightforward mechanism has its limits:

  • Knowledge Limitations: Do voters always have accurate information to make these judgments? Or are their perceptions shaped by incomplete or biased sources?
  • Misattribution of Responsibility: Is the president solely responsible for global inflation, or are there other complex factors at play? Voters might disapprove of a situation without correctly assigning blame.
  • Partisan Biases: Our political leanings heavily color how we perceive performance. What one side sees as a roaring success, the other might view as a dismal failure, regardless of objective facts.

So, while disapproval of performance can lead to vote switching, it’s not an automatic trigger.  The “report card” might be marked with F’s, but the student isn’t always punished at the ballot box.

The “Not Sufficient” Part: Why Voters Stay Put Despite Disapproval

This is where things get really interesting. If a voter disapproves, why wouldn’t they automatically jump ship and punish the elected officials? Several powerful forces are at play.

The Unshakeable Grip of Partisanship and Polarization

For many, party identification isn’t just a casual preference; it’s a core part of their identity, much like religious affiliation or loyalty to a sports team.  Some have labeled it a “psycholigical attachment.”  This strong partisan identification acts as a powerful anchor.  Even if voters disapprove of certain policies or the current leader of their party, the idea of voting for “the other side” can feel like a betrayal of their own values and community.

Compounding this is the rise of affective polarization.  This isn’t just about disagreeing on policy; it’s about an intense dislike, even distrust or disdain or hate, for the opposing party and its supporters.  In such an environment, disapproval of your own party might be very real, but it can be completely overshadowed by an even stronger negative sentiment towards the alternative.  The calculation becomes less about choosing the best option and more about choosing the “lesser of two evils,” or more accurately, sticking with “our flawed side” rather than empowering “their terrible side.”  Your candidate might be disappointing, but the thought of the other candidate winning is simply intolerable.

In addition, there are other types of feelings besides polarization.

The Nuances of Negative Attitudes: Indifference vs. Ambivalence

Not all negative or mixed feelings are created equal.  Research highlights important distinctions.  For instance, studies have found that voters who are genuinely “indifferent” – lacking strong positive or negative feelings towards any party – are actually more likely to switch their votes.  They have weaker anchors and are more open to persuasion.

Contrast this with voters who are “ambivalent.”  These individuals might hold mixed feelings about their own party – perhaps they approve of its social stances but disapprove of its economic policies, or vice versa.  They might disapprove of the current leader but still feel a connection to the party’s historical values.  Ambivalent voters, despite their disapproval on some fronts, are often less likely to switch because they still have reasons to stick with their party, or their dislike of the alternative keeps them tethered.  Their disapproval is real, but it’s complicated and doesn’t lead to a clean break.

A Constellation of Other Mediating Factors

The decision to switch (or not switch) a vote is rarely based on a single factor, even one as significant as disapproval.  It’s influenced and mitigated by a host of other elements, including:

  • Economic Perceptions: How voters feel about their personal financial situation and the national economy (again, often filtered through partisan lenses).
  • Voter Characteristics: Factors like a voter’s core ideology, their level of political knowledge, and their engagement with the political process all play a role.
  • The Information Environment: What news sources do they trust? Are they exposed to information that challenges their existing beliefs or reinforces them?  Are the news sources misinformation or disinformation?
  • Candidate-Specific Evaluations: Sometimes, it’s not just about the party or performance in general, but about the specific candidates running.   Voters might disapprove of a president’s policies but find the opposing candidate even less appealing due to perceived character flaws, extreme positions, or a lack of charisma.

What Does This Mean for Accountability?

Understanding that disapproval isn’t a magic bullet for electoral change can feel disheartening if you’re hoping for more responsive politicians.  It suggests that leaders, particularly in highly polarized times, might feel they have more leeway to weather storms of public disapproval as long as they maintain the loyalty of their base and can effectively paint the opposition as an unacceptable alternative.

However, it doesn’t mean disapproval is irrelevant.  It still matters.  Consistent, widespread disapproval can:

  • Energize the opposition.
  • Depress turnout among a politician’s own less-enthusiastic supporters.
  • Influence media narratives.
  • Impact fundraising and candidate recruitment.
  • Slowly erode support at the margins, which can be decisive in close elections.

 

In essence, disapproval creates the potential for change.  It opens or cracks the door for a voter to consider walking through to the other side.  But whether they actually cross that threshold depends on a complex interplay of deep-seated loyalties, intense feelings about the “other team,” the specific choices on offer, and a whole range of personal and contextual factors.

Simply put, there are other “punishments” voters can dole out other than voting for another party or candidate, which can often feel like a betrayal.  

So, the next time you see those approval ratings dive, remember that while it’s a significant indicator of public sentiment, it’s just one piece of the intricate puzzle that is voter behavior.

Evidence suggests that accountability, particularly based on economic performance, may indeed be weakened in the current hyper-partisian, polarized environment.

The path from a frown of disapproval to a switched vote is often long, winding, and far from guaranteed.

Do You Have a Nose for Nonsense? Science Says Some People Fall for ‘Pseudo-Profound Bullshit’

Do You Have a Nose for Nonsense? Science Says Some People Fall for ‘Pseudo-Profound Bullshit’

Ever scroll through social media and come across a post that sounds incredibly profound, only to read it again and realize it makes absolutely no sense? You’re not alone. These are examples of what researchers call “pseudo-profound bullshit.” (like a quote over a mountain covered in fog?)

It’s a topic that’s been on my mind lately, fueled by some recent online interactions (seriously, I have to remember to just stick to talking about my dog and the Gators!).

These social interactions reminded me of a study by Pennycook and colleagues I read some time ago investigating why certain people are more receptive to these seemingly wise but ultimately empty statements.

Citation & Links

Title: On the reception and detection of pseudo-profound bullshit

Link: download a pdf

Peer Review Status: Yes

Citation: Pennycook, G., Cheyne, J. A., Barr, N., Koehler, D. J., & Fugelsang, J. A. (2015). On the reception and detection of pseudo-profound bullshit. Judgment and Decision Making, 10(6), 549–563.

Methodology

Researchers presented participants with statements that appeared meaningful but were actually random buzzwords strung together.  For example, one statement was, “Wholeness quiets infinite phenomena.” Participants rated how profound they found each statement.  Researchers then analyzed these ratings alongside measures of cognitive style, beliefs, and intelligence.

Results and Findings

  • People vary in their ability to detect bullshit.
  • Those who easily fall for bullshit tend to be less reflective thinkers.
  • People who are more gullible also tend to have lower cognitive ability and believe in the paranormal.
  • A bias toward accepting statements as true may contribute to bullshit receptivity.

“The vagueness of the statements may imply that the intended meaning is so important or profound that it cannot be stated plainly.

Deep Dive: Discerning Deceptive Vagueness

The study suggests that detecting bullshit involves more than just skepticism.  It requires the ability to recognize vague language that seems impressive but lacks real substance. Some people may have a stronger tendency to accept things at face value.  This can make them more susceptible to bullshit.

The researchers also found that people who are more reflective and have higher cognitive abilities are better at spotting bullshit.  This suggests that critical thinking skills play a role in bullshit detection.

Why It Matters: Bullshit in the Real World

Pseudo-profound bullshit is common.

You likley encounter it in everyday conversations (especially those taking place on social media), political rhetoric, marketing, and even academia.

Robert F. Kennedy Jr., the current Secretary of Health and Human Services, has made pseudo-profound claims. For instance:

He said, “By September, we will know what has caused the autism epidemic and we will be able to eliminate those exposures.” 

This statement contains all the hallmarks of pseudo-profound language – it sounds momentous and offers a dramatic promise while being scientifically implausible.

Understanding bullshit like this and how people perceive and process bullshit can help us become more discerning consumers of information.

Limitations/Caveats

The study focused on pseudo-profound bullshit, but there are other kinds.   For example, “conversational bullshit” occurs when people speak without concern for the truth, such as in a casual bull session with friends. Also, partisanship and polarization is likely to affect how people rate the profundity of statements.

Final Thoughts / Conclusion

Bullshit is widespread (especially online without any editors), but we can learn to identify and resist it.

Critical thinking skills should be mandatory so that we call can better navigate the sea of information and avoid falling for deceptive vagueness.

PS Recommended Reading

Want more?  Check out Calling Bullshit, a book and course by two university professors to address “what we see as a major need in higher education nationwide.”

The site has free lectures, case studies, and tools: callingbullshit.org

I have read their book, and I highly recommend it.

Mind Over Masses: Why Your CRAZY Uncle Won’t Change His Mind, But the Country Might Shift Opinions

Mind Over Masses: Why Your CRAZY Uncle Won’t Change His Mind, But the Country Might Shift Opinions

I am told that the best political discussions come while sharing a beer.  Let’s test that theory.

I was having a beer with a political science student, and the topic was how difficult it is to change minds in the hyper-partisan atmosphere.  We went through the psychological underpinnings of political decision-making and agreed influence is extremely difficult, especially as political involvement increases.

Then the kicker: “If individual opinions are so difficult to change, then why does public opinion change quickly on some issues, for example, same-sex marriage and marijuana legalization?”

It feels like a paradox: individual rigidity, collective change.  It’s not.  It just means persuasion works differently at different levels.

The Puzzle: Individual Walls vs. Collective Waves

You’ve been there:

  • You argue politics with a friend, facts in hand. They dig in.
  • Meanwhile, public opinion on major issues swings dramatically in just a few years.
  • Even partisan groups sometimes pivot quickly.

So why does one person stay unmoved while millions change their minds?

Why Individuals Resist Change

Changing individual minds is hardwired to fail most of the time. Several psychological defenses get in the way:

  • Motivated reasoning: People interpret facts to support what they already believe.
  • Confirmation bias: They seek out supporting evidence, avoid what challenges them.
  • Disconfirmation bias: They argue harder against facts that conflict with their views.
  • Cognitive dissonance: Contradictory information creates discomfort. Most reject it rather than reconsider.
  • Identity protection: Political beliefs often tie into group membership. Challenging them feels personal.
  • Reactance: Push too hard, and people resist to assert their independence.
  • Active resistance: They discredit sources, counter-argue, or double down on prior beliefs.

These defenses don’t just slow persuasion. They flip it. Attempts to persuade can actually reinforce opposition.

How Public Opinion Shifts Anyway

Even with all that resistance, public opinion moves. Big changes happen, just not the way most think:

  • Generational replacement: Older cohorts die. Younger cohorts with different views come of age.
  • Social norm cascades: Once enough people express a new view, others follow to avoid social costs.
  • Elite cues: Trusted leaders signal shifts, and partisans often follow without deep reflection.
  • Media framing: News outlets shape what facts people focus on and how they interpret them.
  • Major events: Crises, court rulings, or wars can jolt opinion in new directions.

None of these rely on changing each individual’s mind one-on-one. They shift the environment around the individual.

Not a Paradox, Just Different Layers

The seeming contradiction dissolves when you separate levels of influence:

Micro: Individuals defend their identities and beliefs. Persuasion is rare and hard.

Macro: Groups shift through cohort turnover, social pressure, elite signaling, media narratives, or events.

Think of a forest: each tree resists bending, but the whole forest can sway with the wind.

NOTE:

If this topic interests you, read Thomas Schelling’s Micromotives and Macrobehavior.
It explains how individual choices, even when rational and modest, can produce unexpected and sometimes extreme collective outcomes.
His Nobel Prize work helps make sense of why political opinion can be both stubborn at the individual level and fluid at the societal level.

What This Means for Persuasion and Politics

Understanding the difference between individual resistance and collective change clears up what only looks like a contradiction.

Your crazy uncle may never budge in a political argument, but that doesn’t mean the electorate stands still.   That alone should provide hope to all those who feel like they are banging their heads against a wall.  

Public opinion does change.  It shifts when generational turnover, social norms, elite cues, media framing, or major events realign the context.  

Change rarely happens through argument alone.   It happens when the ground beneath our feet moves, and moving that ground is difficult.  

But move it, you can.

    Social Media, Deepfakes, Lies and the Perception of Truth: Why We Believe Deepfakes

    Social Media, Deepfakes, Lies and the Perception of Truth: Why We Believe Deepfakes

    Deepfakes are more than Donald Trump’s foot fetish for Elon or Joe Biden playing video games with a hall of Presidents;  they are way more than just some Internet novelty act.  These AI-generated videos (the subject of this week’s study, mimic people, making them incredibly powerful tools for misinformation.

    This is obviously concerning in an era where misinformation spreads fast.

    This is obviously concerning when many people’s only exposure to political information is via social media.

    This study examines how prior exposure to deepfakes and social media news consumption interact to amplify the Illusory Truth Effect (ITE), the tendency to believe information as true simply because we have seen it before.

    Think propaganda.

    Using data from eight countries, the researchers assess whether reliance on social media for news consumption makes individuals more susceptible to believing deepfakes, regardless of their cognitive ability.

    Title: The Power of Repetition: How Social Media Fuels Belief in Deepfakes

    Link: Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media

    Peer Review Status: Peer-reviewed

    Citation: Ahmed, S., Bee, A. W. T., Ng, S. W. T., & Masood, M. (2024). Social Media News Use Amplifies the Illusory Truth Effects of Viral Deepfakes: A Cross-National Study of Eight Countries. Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media, 68(5), 778–805. https://doi.org/10.1080/08838151.2024.2410783

    METHODOLOGY

    The study surveyed 8,070 participants from the U.S., China, Singapore, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Thailand, and Vietnam.

    Participants were shown four viral deepfakes—both political (Putin) and non-political (Kardashian) examples—and asked to rate their accuracy. The researchers measured:

        • Whether participants had previously seen the deepfakes
        • Their level of engagement with news on social media
        • Their cognitive ability, using a standard vocabulary test (Wordsum)

    Control variables included age, gender, education, income, traditional media use, and political interest.

    The goal was to determine whether repeated exposure to deepfakes led to increased belief in their authenticity and whether social media use amplified this effect. They also examined whether cognitive ability moderated these effects.

    RESULTS AND FINDINGS

    The study found strong evidence for the Illusory Truth Effect (ITE) across all eight countries.  
    1. Prior Exposure Increases Belief: Across all eight countries, those who had previously seen a deepfake were more likely to rate it as accurate than those seeing it for the first time.
    2.  
    3. Social Media News Use Amplifies ITE: Heavy reliance on social media for news significantly increased the likelihood of believing deepfakes, even after controlling for cognitive ability. The effect was consistent across six of the eight countries, except China and Malaysia.
    4.  
    5. Cognitive Ability Doesn’t Help Much: Higher cognitive ability had only a weak protective effect against belief in deepfakes. Even individuals with high cognitive ability were more likely to believe deepfakes if they frequently engaged with news on social media.
    6.  
    7. Cross-National Differences: Participants from China were the most likely to believe deepfakes, possibly due to the country’s controlled media environment. In contrast, Singaporeans were the least likely to be deceived, potentially due to high digital literacy and government efforts to combat misinformation.
    8.  

    CRITIQUES AND AREAS FOR FUTURE STUDY

    First, surveys don’t establish causality. Future research could use experimental designs to better understand the causal mechanisms behind ITE and deepfake susceptibility.

    Second, the study relied on self-reported measures of social media news engagement and cognitive ability, which may introduce bias. It is my experience that my college-age children horribly underestimate the amount of time they spend swiping. Future studies could use behavioral data, such as actual social media usage patterns, to complement self-reports.

    Third, the study used one measure of cognitive ability (vocabulary), and this may not fully capture cognitive ability. Future studies could use different measures.

    Finally, while the study accounts for different political and social media environments, additional study into specific national factors could be a fruitful area of deeper research.

    CONCLUSION

    Setting aside ethical concerns of bombarding people with Kardashian videos, this research highlights a concerning trend – the more we see deepfakes, the more likely we are to believe them. Even the smartest among us are not immune. (We also know this from studies of motivated reasoning.)

    These results are not surprising since we know that advertising and propaganda work through high-frequency repetition and familiarity.

    As I tell my students, what and who you surround yourself with, you will likely become. The issue is most of them aren’t making a conscious choice; a black box algorithm is making it for them and shaping their perceptions.

    This line of research underscores the need for better misinformation detection tools and education efforts to help individuals critically evaluate digital content.

    Policymakers must begin to take these issues seriously. It’s more than just community notes and fact-checking; it is reduction of repeated exposure to misinformation. Yes, a social media platform’s “engagement” will be affected, but the picture emerging is that “engagement” is extremely harmful.

    To do nothing and expect a better result is foolish.